Campaigns & Candidates

Barack's great deception

In 1995, Barack Obama published an autobiography that has sold like hotcakes and helped make him and his wife quite wealthy people. Titled Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, Obama's book got rave reviews, just like the national address he delivered in defense of his 20 years following the spiritual leadership of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright. I wrote at FamilySecurityMatters.com about the Wright speech when it was delivered back in March. Now a writer with the pseudonym Michael Gledhill has written a devastating comparison of the Barack Hussein Obama appearing in Dreams and the one now appearing regularly on your TV screen and about to be officially the Democratic Party's candidate for president. It is titled "Who Is Barack Obama?" and can be found in the September 1 print issue of National Review and at this link.

Numerous analysts of Obama's writing and speechifying have noted the same strength and weakness: well-formed rhetoric pleasing to the eye or ear but lacking substance. Dreams is full of substance -- but little or none that a patriot would recognize as suitable background for a U.S. senator, let alone for someone aspiring to lead our country as its president.

Just like his wife Michelle, the Barack Obama of Dreams was a bitterly race-conscious person with a high dislike for the United States. Or in the concluding words of Michael Gledhill, "Dreams from My Father reveals Barack Obama as a self-constructed, racially obsessed man who regards most whites as oppressors. It is the work of a clever but shallow thinker who confuses ideological cliché for insight – a man who sees U.S. history as a narrow, bitter tale of race and class victimization."

I am reminded of the supreme irony of the demeaning remarks Obama recently leveled at Justice Clarence Thomas. In contrast to Thomas's, Obama's youth (as well, by the way, as that of his America-hating pastor Wright) was Easy Street. As an intellectual and patriot, neither Obama nor Wright could carry Thomas's briefcase.

Bashing Bush won't help Dems

As Democrats begin their convention in Denver, you will be surprised to learn that John McCain has already chosen a running mate: George W. Bush. It has become the new talking point that voting for McCain amounts to “four more years of Bush”. When Joe Biden gave his first speech last Saturday in Springfield, Illinois, as the new vice Presidential choice of Barack Obama, he said of McCain: "You can't change America when you know your first four years as president will look like the last eight years of George Bush's presidency." Since Obama's disastrous trip to Europe and his poor performance in the Saddleback Church debate he's been in a slide, with polling for the first time actually showing McCain ahead. As it becomes increasingly apparent to the American public that the emperor is wearing no clothes, the strategy has started to shift. The first element on this change is the Biden selection, which was made to placate critics who have pilloried Obama for his foreign policy gaffes and lack of substance. Obama needs an attack dog so he can stay above the fray, looking like the post-partisan candidate he is pretending to be. Biden will do that role well, though the public will quickly tire of his verbosity. And already, according to Gallup, the selection is not expected to help Obama in the polls.

The second element of the new strategy is to run against George W. Bush. This is understandable, since McCain's approval rankings are far higher that the president's -- who is still mired somewhere in the 30% range. Obama has now wagered that he can tar and feather McCain with Bush's problems -- energy prices, housing and, since Iraq is going well, Afghanistan. The success of the surge has reduced the importance of the Iraq War for the average voter, who now believes that we will win. The theme that Obama is now sure to take is that because of Iraq, we took our eye off Afghanistan -- and we're losing there. It will be a hard sell.

In any event, we'll be hearing a lot about the McCain-Bush ticket and the "four more years of failed policies." It's a neat try, but it won't work for the following reasons:

1). Though Bush's approval ratings are low, it is a mistake for Obama to assume that polling data show the real story. Approval polls are notoriously difficult to administer, and are frequently wrong. When Harry Truman had a 37% approval rating in April 1948 the pollsters were certain he was toast, and that Dewey would be shoo-in in the November election. What the approval rating didn't show was that in radically uncertain times -- in that instance, a post-war economic slump, an ascendant Soviet Union and a fragile Europe -- the electorate often rejects uncertainty and change. This is particularly true with choosing a president, who is above all else, the nation's commander in chief. And, while Bush has a low overall job approval rating, his "favorability" marks are much higher. In a recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll taken August 15-18, 2008, 45% gave the president either a "Very Positive", "Somewhat Positive" or "Neutral" rating. (Source:PollingReport.com.) It is thus no gimme that running against George W. Bush in the 2008 election is going to succeed.

2). The Bush record is actually quite positive in many areas, despite the constant criticism from the left. The facts speak for themselves: Since 9/11, the Bush presidency has been defined by the threat of Islamic terrorism. His domestic and foreign policy has been geared toward protecting the homeland from further attack, while destroying terrorist networks and their state sponsors. Since 9/11 we have not had another attack on U.S. soil. We have destroyed the Taliban, deposed the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, and dramatically eroded Al Qaeda's infrastructure and leadership capabilities. The war in Iraq -- though poorly prosecuted in the beginning -- has turned around, and if progress continues at its current pace, will prove to be a resounding success, creating a democracy in the heart of the Middle East. The economy grew steadily over the first six years of the Bush presidency, and many of the primary problems today -- housing and energy -- cannot be blamed solely (or primarily) on the President.

I would argue against the conventional wisdom that being associated with George W. Bush is an anchor around the neck of John McCain -- and he should use the McCain-Bush comparisons to his advantage. He could do so by communicating effectively the tremendous success that the Bush Administration has had in the war on terror, and place the blame for the mortgage mess and the failure to expand domestic oil production on Nancy Pelosi and Congress where it belongs. He should do what Bush himself cannot -- be an assertive advocate of the record.

If McCain were smart, he'd run toward George Bush and not away from him.

Vegans for McCain

The campaign grows ever more bizarre. Today the segmented electorate and micro-targeting reached a new extreme. The latest exotic demographic is McCain voters who use no animal products, have no sense of humor, and listen to NPR. It started Saturday morning when Scott Simon of "Weekend Edition" asked me for a Republican's take on what DNC delegates should see and do. I recommended something broiled at the Buckhorn, especially for those vegetarians who don't get out much; something cold from New Belgium Brewery; a visit to the Mint where Obama's deficit dollars will be created; and a trip up one of our Fourteeners. Here's the audio.

No sooner had this hit the airwaves than the following angry email, unsigned, hit my inbox:

I am a McCain supporter. However, your comments on vegetarian tofu-eating liberals today on PBS were stupid and unnecessary. I am a proud vegan as is my wife, daughter, son, and their spouses. We are all for McCain. But your stupidity may make me rethink this. Maybe I am more liberal than I think I am, and maybe all my family members should ponder our positions.

Horrors! What if his is the one family in the one state whose votes, if indeed I've alienated them forever, will tip the electoral college to Obama-Biden? Must placate, must conciliate, must use conflict-resolution skills, not a moment to lose. So I quickly replied this way, under the subject line, "Soybean Curd Forever:"

Dear Friend: Can't you take a joke? I eat tofu myself sometimes. Did I insult vegans? That was not intended. My grandfather never ate meat in his life. He's one of my greatest heroes, and would have smiled, I'm sure, at the teasing about our Buckhorn Exchange steakhouse in Denver. Please tell me your name and where you're writing from. And consider that if Obama becomes President, many of the freedoms we both cherish -- including choosing what we eat -- will be in jeopardy. So don't let one guy's kidding on the radio run you off a sensible vote for McCain.

It was my best effort in haste, friendly and folksy yet firm, but as always the ideal rejoinder to a vegan came to me only later. I should have told him: "Don't have a non-cow, man." Anyway, no reply from the offended NPR listener as yet, so we may have lost him and all his herbivorous kin. Either this is a very dry put-on, or he's one peeved PETA member.

How will I live with myself if this costs Republicans the White House in November? My self-esteem is already down after realizing I misspoke on the air with Simon and spoke of driving up Pike's Peak or Long's Peak. Any flatland fool knows the summit auto road closest to Denver goes up Mount Evans, while Long's Peak is accessible only on foot.

First Bob Schaffer gets his mountains mixed up, now me. Hope it's not an omen. "Dark clouds gather; the pinnacle you will reach is not the one you imagined you would." Know any vegan astrologers I could consult about the horoscope for 11/4/08?

'Toujours de l'audace'

Editor: "Ever more audacity," the French motto for doubling down your bet when losses mount, has a mixed connotation, but it more often suggests the nerve of a burglar than the daring of a hero. Ken Davenport had in mind the former meaning when he put that title on this analyis of Mr. Audacious himself, the Democratic presidential candidate. 'Toujour de l'audace'

It is has always been clear that Barack Obama has a huge ego. After all, how else can a half-term U.S. Senator with little relevant experience convince himself to run for president of the United States? You have to have a very high opinion of yourself, to say the least – an opinion that has no doubt been considerably raised by the cult-like following he has engendered among those who seek a Messiah rather than a president.

Obama clearly believes he is the “one we’ve been waiting for” – and it doesn’t hurt when the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi recently introduces him as a “gift from God”. That’s a strange thing for a liberal to say, I admit – but it has to go to your head when everyone keeps telling you how unique, brilliant, scholarly and intellectual you are (etc. etc. etc.).

In any event, he certainly got the title of his recent memoir right, for there is no better word to describe Barack Obama than “audacious”, which is defined as “recklessly bold in defiance of convention, propriety, law and the like”. He certainly has defied convention with his grass-roots campaign that was able to slay the Clinton dragon, and his comments on the campaign trail have often violated a sense of propriety, at least in the opinion of all those working class voters clinging to “guns and religion”.

His most recent performance in the Saddleback Church debate against McCain, for example, was nothing if not lawyerly; in the great tradition of Bill Clinton (remember his famous “it depends on the meaning of the word ‘is’”?), Obama attempted to split the middle on virtually every answer, hemming and hawing in an effort to be the perfect accommodator. The result was that he appeared to be vague, indecisive and unsure of himself.

In fact, his meteoric rise has made him famous, but when you push him on the issues, his answers are painfully shallow. When compared to John McCain, the difference was quite striking. McCain was concise, concrete and clear. He so obviously knows what he thinks and believes, and isn’t particularly interested in splitting the atom to make sure he covers all his bases.

When Rick Warren, the moderator of the Saddleback event, asked both candidates whether evil exists and if so, what should be done about it, McCain said three words: “yes” and “defeat it”. Obama, on the other had, gave a rambling answer that shows both his shallow understanding of the world, and more importantly, his true feeling about America. He said that evil does exist, citing Darfur and “the evil in American cities”. No mention of Islamic terrorists who fly airplanes into buildings, or suicide bombers who blow up innocents. He then went on to say that we must be careful in confronting evil, because in the name of opposing it, America has often committed evil acts itself – a prototypical response from the left, which is enamored with blaming America first. It was an appalling answer for a man who would be president.

Of course, such an answer fits perfectly with the previous comments of both Barack and Michelle Obama, and with their former pastor Reverend Wright and friend William Ayers – the former Weather Underground terrorist. It’s a familiar narrative, now – even if it is being conveniently ignored by the mainstream media. And it provides a striking contrast to John McCain.

McCain’s personal story is well-known, as was his willingness to go against public opinion and argue in favor of the surge in Iraq. While Obama still can’t bring himself to admit that the surge has worked and America will win in Iraq, McCain rightfully deserves credit for both his courage and judgment, and his willingness to make the tough decisions in order to safeguard our interests. McCain knew then (and knows now) that our defeat in Iraq would be devastating to America, to our military and to the Middle East.

Obama, by contrast, seems strangely invested in our defeat – maintaining his intention to withdraw our combat forces upon taking office, irrespective of events on the ground – a position that he reaffirmed most recently in an August 19th speech before the Veterans of Foreign Wars. It is also a policy that ignores the success of the surge. It’s a denial of reality, and it’s audacious given the very serious American interests involved.

Recent polling seems to suggest that the American public is catching on. The most recent Rasmussen poll shows McCain now with a five point lead over Obama in the wake of the Saddleback debate – reversing what had been a 3-5 point deficit. It is still early, and Obama will get a bump out of both his choice of Veep and his well scripted speech at the Democrat National Convention this next week.

But McCain will get a bump as well the following week, and if he moves to solidify the Republican base with a strong VP choice, he will have a lot of momentum going into the remaining three months of the campaign. My bet is with McCain, because Obama can’t be protected from himself, no matter how well scripted he is 99% of the time. It will only take 1% of the real Obama to come out to turn the election.

One final note: it was particularly telling when Rick Warren asked both Obama and McCain about their personal failings. While McCain copped to infidelity in a failed first marriage, Obama answered (after a long pause) that he is “sometimes focused too much on himself” (I’m paraphrasing here).

How appropriate that answer is given the fact that his campaign is all about him, and not about us. And how interesting a contrast it is to McCain, who has given a lifetime of service to this country and was rewarded with a broken body as a POW in the “Hanoi Hilton”. McCain has his foibles, to be sure. But he’s been tested. And he hasn’t been found wanting.

Udall's U-turn on US oil

Mark Udall's message to Colorado voters is crystal clear: just tell me want you want to hear, and I'll say it. Here's a congressman who built his reputation as an uncompromising environmentalist, who has consistently opposed domestic energy exploration, and who has blocked construction of new refineries to make American energy supplies more secure.

Now, Udall wants us to believe that he's suddenly seen the light.

"We've got to produce our own oil and gas, right here in our country," he says in a new commercial paid for by his U.S. Senate campaign. Just what Colorado needs: another politician who will sell his soul to attain higher office.

Over the years, Udall's record on domestic energy production has been much more dogmatic than pragmatic, more extremist than centrist. He's voted to:

· Block drilling for American oil in Alaska or off shore at least nine times.

· Deny tax deductions for production of U.S. oil and gas, thereby putting American companies at a financial disadvantage versus their competitors in the Middle East, Russia and South America.

· Declare oil cartels like OPEC to be in violation of U.S. antitrust law, even though most high school seniors - not to mention Members of Congress - are smart enough to know that our laws do not apply to foreign oil companies.

· Oppose making abandoned military bases available for construction of new oil refineries, oblivious to the reality no new American oil refineries have been constructed since 1976, increasing our dependence on foreign refineries.

The Denver Post described Udall's U-turns as "sharp turnarounds for a man who has made the expansion of renewable energy a cornerstone of his career." The Politico, a Washington, D.C.-based journal, called the flip-flop "a clear shift from his previous opposition to such measures."

So, Colorado voters who are fed up with $4-a-gallon gasoline should ask themselves: Why does Mark Udall now claim to support domestic production of oil and gas? And does he truly mean it?

The most obvious answer to the first question is polling. In June and July, Udall held as much as a 10-point lead over his opponent, former Congressman Bob Schaffer. That lead evaporated in two more recent surveys.

A Rasmussen poll shows that 65% of Coloradans want to make increasing energy production the top priority over reducing energy consumption.

As to the sincerity of Udall's conversion, only the commercial paid for by his senate campaign backs him up. All other evidence suggests that this is a poll-driven conversion of political convenience.

Udall's own campaign website dwells on developing wind and solar power but says little about developing new sources of oil and gas. Instead, the Udall website falls back on old liberal canards, like "we cannot drill our way to energy security" and "not every place that can support oil drilling should be drilled."

That message falls flat with Coloradans who like the idea of renewable energy but also want affordable and reliable oil and gas in the meantime. Consider, also, Udall's five-point plan to address rising gas prices, posted on his congressional website. Four points do nothing to increase domestic energy resources. A fifth supports drilling off the shore of Cuba, but it is contained in a bill sponsored by Udall which hasn't even received a congressional hearing since it was introduced over a year ago.

If Udall were serious about developing domestic energy, wouldn't he have demanded a vote on his own bill before allowing Congress to take its summer vacation? Instead, Udall was campaigning in Colorado when a vote to consider a genuine domestic energy bill fell short by just one vote.

Finally, it would be foolish not to acknowledge that Udall's wife spent 20 years working for Sierra Club, whose webpage features a petition congratulating Speaker Nancy Pelosi for adjourning without bringing oil exploration to a vote.

Mark Udall hasn't changed his stripes. That's great news for his Boulder liberal base, but it's bad news for Coloradans who want affordable gas prices.