In a previous column I questioned the idea that there is something called "the economy" and suggested instead that we refer to our multiple transactions in the global marketplace with the term of the United States Constitution, viz., commerce. This is not just a matter of semantics. For if we choose our words with care, we accurately name the things to which the words refer. Before the term "economy" was applied to our domestic and foreign commerce, it referred to a virtue–of individuals, businesses and nations. The first dictionary definition of economy, after all, is "Careful, thrifty management of resources, such as money, materials, or labor."
Just as households and businesses must practice economy in order to make the most prudent use of their resources, so must governments. But with its powers of taxing, spending and borrowing, government has access to considerably more resources than any household or business. That means the temptations and opportunities for abuse are much greater.
As the purpose of our national government is to make laws for the common defense and general welfare, it is not, by definition, designed, like the household, to meet the daily recurrent needs of anyone; or, like a business, to make a profit. It exists to make households and businesses safe and secure.
For most of our history, American government has practiced political economy, out of conviction and necessity. That is, it is limited in its scope and its powers and not entitled to huge sums to conduct its functions, however greater those were than anyone else’s. And as long as the federal government in particular performed its constitutional functions, heavy taxation was both difficult to justify and hard to obtain against jealous state governments.
To appreciate the soundness of this limited view of economy, it is helpful also to be mindful of what commerce is and why it is so indispensable to modern republics. In ancient times, commerce referred to sea going trade, as commerce includes the root "mer," meaning sea. Hence, Athens, a naval power, supported commerce that its rival, Sparta, a land-based power, took little interest in.
Commerce contributed greatly to the decline of medieval feudalism, a system that combined perpetual armaments and subjugation by the lords of the peasants. Those aristocrats who aspired to national crowns found the nascent commercial classes a vital alternative to depending upon their rivals for financing their kingdoms, especially their wars.
The middle class, so called because its members were neither aristocrats nor peasants, made money in trade with cities and states other than their own. In return for protection or favored treatment, they would lend money to kings.
There were essentially two approaches that kings of the early modern nation states took toward the generation of national wealth. One supported acquisition of precious metals and hoarding them for national purposes. Spain, the first great nation at this time, was an exponent of that view. Another view, favored in Britain, was that it was better to encourage merchants to build their fortunes with limited regulation, as a growing commerce funded government with minimal taxation.
Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations provided the most powerful argument for the second view of national wealth. The British government was no less tempted to commandeer the resources of the country than the Spanish, but Smith made a compelling case for laissez-faire (let them do as they please) as far more productive than national missions to exploit natural resources the world over to enrich the government’s coffers. Smith’s famous "invisible hand" was not blind to the avarice of businessmen (quite the contrary) but rather saw them as more efficient producers than any government could ever be.
As we stand on the brink of massive efforts to "rescue our economy" from its current credit crisis, it is helpful to remember these historical lessons on how to build up national wealth and, by implication, what diminishes it. The federal government tried to spend its way of the Great Depression and failed, just as its massive programs 30 years later failed to end poverty. Only individuals and businesses practicing economy, supported by a government practicing the same virtue, can accomplish that.
To the extent that our government embarks on a massive program of public works, business bailouts, unemployment compensation, forced unionism and uneconomical energy schemes, our current crisis will become much worse and we will imagine only that we didn’t do enough rather than far too much to "save" our commerce.